Protests curtailed in Hong Kong

Protest in Hong Kong, March 2023, held behind “crime tape.”  (Associated Press)

According to the Hong Kong Democracy Council,  authorities have jailed more than 1,500 political prisoners since 2019, half of whom are under the age of 25. https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/07/01/hong-kong-china-crackdown-democracy/

John Stewart and the Fox libel suit

This segment of The Problem with John Stewart was broadcast before the Fox – Dominion settlement      announced April 19, 2023.

Pushing back against online harrassment

Federal agencies will fight online harassment  across four main lines of effort, the Biden administration said March 3, 2023. These are prevention, survivor support, accountability, and research, according to a White House announcement.

Since its launch, the Task Force  to Address Online Harassment and Abuse has heard from hundreds of stakeholders—survivors, advocates, parents, educators, law enforcement, medical and legal professionals, and researchers—who discussed the significant harm caused by online harassment and abuse.

The Task Force is part of Biden’s call to action in the State of Union for solutions to address online safety, health, privacy, and accountability.

Alex Jones and libelous hate speech

Alex Jones (Wikipedia).

Alex Jones is bankrupt. The host and owner of  the far-right fake news conspiracy-peddling website “Infowars.com” owed $1.5 billion dollars by the end of 2022 to people harmed by his lies about  the massacre at an elementary school in Sandy Hook CT a decade beforehand.

The cascade of losses in libel suits began with a Texas jury’s Aug. 5, 2022 decision to award  $50 million in actual and punitive damages to parents of the massacre’s victims. Four more libel suits  in Texas and Connecticut also ended with guilty verdicts and heavy fines.

Jones’ lies about Sandy Hook began within hours of the massacre, and were frequently  repeated since then. He falsely claimed that the Sandy Hook elementary school massacre of 2012 was a hoax and  that the parents of the children killed  at the school were “crisis actors.”  As a result, Sandy Hook parents were subjected to harassment and other damages, on top of the profound grief of losing their children. One family has had to move 10 times to avoid Jones’ followers.

Jones’ attorneys argued that the First Amendment protects his right to make mistakes and that other people, not Jones, were to blame for the harassment.

But it’s too late for that argument. Jones already lost the first Texas libel suit by refusing to cooperate with the court, and default judgments were issued.  The only question in the Texas case and others involves the amount of damages.  Continue reading

Remembering Oprah’s mad cow libel case

By Asheley R. Landrum, Texas Tech University

Oprah celebrates the ruling in her favor on Feb. 26. 1998. AP Photo/LM Otero

More than twenty years ago (1998), images of staggering cattle and descriptions of brains resembling Swiss cheese became associated with one of the most popular television programs of the day when Texas Panhandle cattlemen sued “The Oprah Winfrey Show” for defamation under Texas’ “veggie libel law.” They claimed the program’s negative portrayal of their business caused a steep decline of beef prices.

On the surface, this conflict looked like a battle between an industry and the TV producers who portrayed it negatively. But at its heart was some complicated science that had the potential to scare the public and be sensationalized by the media.

Today’s practitioners of science communication grapple with the difficulty of transmitting science information via the media to a lay audience. This 1998 trial serves as a rare public case study documenting the media’s imperfect attempts to clarify the science of mad cow disease in the midst of a celebrity spectacle.

Ultimately Oprah won the legal case. But how did the public’s understanding of the science fare?

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Communications law basics

What are the essential basic things you should know about communications law?

The statue of Justice on the roof of the Old Bailey in London. (Charles D.P. Miller, Wikipedia, Creative Commons).

The reason we ask is that digital media has amplified personal communications, and, now more than ever, educated people need some general basic background in the law of communication. This is an outline for a short course module that can be used in college classes or by interested individuals.

This idea for a one-week (three lecture) short course is structured around three basic themes: Foundations of law, specific communications and media issues, and a few forward-looking legal and ethical questions.

Foundations of law

  1. Historical concepts in law, especially natural rights, equal justice and the marketplace of ideas.
  2. The First Amendment to the US Constitution and similar protections in international law.
  3. How the system of courts and legal precedent works in the US and other countries.

Specific issues in Communications and Media Law

  1. Do social media bans violate First Amendment rights?
  2. Violent images and hate speech: how have the US courts drawn the line? What about other democracies (Europe, Japan, India)?
  3. What is libel and how well does the law protect open debate about public people and institutions?
  4. What is invasion of privacy and how does the law try to balance individual protection against public rights?
  5. What laws regulate truth in advertising?
  6. Broadcasting: What was the Fairness Doctrine? Is there an argument for reinstating it?
  7. How does copyright law work? What is Creative Commons?
  8. How are competition laws (also called anti-trust laws in the US) being applied to social media companies in the US and in Europe?

Jurisprudence and ethics

  1. What ethical codes do we expect the news media to follow? Why?
  2. How do concepts of social responsibility conflict with libertarian views about free speech? 
  3. How does the structure of new digital media challenge traditional First Amendment jurisprudence and concepts like the marketplace of ideas? 

 

Appeal in Sarah Palin’s libel loss could set up test of Sullivan standard

Sarah Palin, 2012, by Gage Skidmore, CC / Wikipedia.

By Bill Kovarik
Published in The Conversation, Feb. 15, 2022 under a Creative Commons license for non-profit republication. 

To the numerous challenges facing the U.S. media in recent years, add a libel case against The New York Times – lost by Sarah Palin, but now seemingly headed to appeal and perhaps on to the highest court in the land.

On Feb. 15, 2022, a jury rejected Palin’s claim. As it happened, its verdict was more or less moot. The presiding judge had already said he would dismiss the case on the grounds that the former Alaska governor’s legal team had failed to reach the bar for proving she had been defamed.

A Times editor admitted a mistake in suggesting in a 2017 opinion piece that there was a link between Palin’s rhetoric and a mass shooting. But under the so-called Sullivan standard – a rule in place for nearly 60 years that makes it difficult for public figures to successfully sue for defamation – neither the jury nor the judge considered the error significant enough for Palin to win her case.

But in reaching his decision in the Palin case, the federal judge suggested that it was likely not to be the end of the matter – indeed, an appeal is expected.

And that has defenders of a free press worried. Legal scholars note that recent opinions by Supreme Court Justices Clarence Thomas and Neil Gorsuch favor overturning the Sullivan standard – a move that would take away a key protection for the press against libel suits by vindictive public officials. Continue reading

Invoking George Orwell

George Orwell, author of 1984

George Orwell, journalist and author of “1984”

Big Tech is not the Ministry of Truth.”
Or at least, so says the Attorney  General of Alabama  who has invited citizens to file formal complaints if they have been censored on social media.

“It should concern us all when platforms that hold such tremendous power and influence over information wield that power in contradiction of—and with undisguised disdain for—the foundational American principles of free speech and freedom of the press,” says Alabama Attorney General Steve Marshall. “The censorship campaign currently being waged by giant corporate oligarchs like Facebook and Twitter is, in a word, un-American.”

You may recall that in Orwell’s novel 1984, the Ministry of Truth controls news, entertainment, education, and the arts. Of course, truth is only what the ministry says it is.   Speaking up for some idea that is not “true”  is punishable by death or indefinite  imprisonment.

But it’s just a novel.  It may go without saying, but here in the US at least, nobody’s life is on the line and nobody is headed for Siberia for some crackpot  Q-nut idea they want to shout to the world.

Yes, Facebook and Twitter have blocked or even banned a few US citizens who insist on deadly lies, for example, that the last election was fraudulent;  that vaccines don’t work; that the virus  is a hoax; that masks are the “mark of the beast;” and so on.  Facebook and Twitter are trying to apply a standard of human dignity and provable truth through their terms of service.

Don’t like it?  Fine. Go to the competition.  There are dozens of new social media platforms, according to a July 2021 article in Forbes.  You don’t even have to pay for a subscription. Jeez.

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A Right to be Forgotten


By Bill Kovarik 
(“How a silent movie informs the current debate over the right to be forgotten.”  CC license. The Conversation

In 1915, Gabrielle Darley killed a New Orleans man who had tricked her into a life of prostitution. She was tried, acquitted of murder and within a few years was living a new life under her married name, Melvin. Then a blockbuster movie, “The Red Kimono,” splashed her sensational story across America’s silver screens.

The 1925 film used Darley’s real name and details of her life taken from transcripts of the murder trial. She sued for invasion of privacy and won.

In deciding in favor of Darley, a California court said that people have a right to rehabilitation. “We should permit [people] to continue in the path of rectitude rather than throw [them] back into a life of shame or crime,” the court said. It is a sentiment that is harder to put into practice today, when information is much more readily available. Nonetheless, policymakers and media outlets are looking at the issue.

As a scholar of media history and law, I see Darley’s story as more than an interesting slice of legal and cinematic history. Her case provides an early example of how private people struggle to escape their pasts and how the idea of privacy is linked to rehabilitation.

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That time private US media companies stepped in to silence the falsehoods and incitements of a major public figure … in 1938

By Bill Kovarik
Published in The Conversation, Jan. 15, 2021
Creative Commons license for non-profit republication.

In speeches filled with hatred and falsehoods, a public figure attacks his enemies and calls for marches on Washington. Then, after one particularly virulent address, private media companies close down his channels of communication, prompting consternation from his supporters and calls for a code of conduct to filter out violent rhetoric.

Sound familiar? Well, this was 1938, and the individual in question was Father Charles E. Coughlin, a Nazi-sympathizing Catholic priest with unfettered access to America’s vast radio audiences. The firms silencing him were the broadcasters of the day.

As a media historian, I find more than a little similarity between the stand those stations took back then and the way Twitter, YouTube and Facebook have silenced false claims of election fraud and incitements to violence in the aftermath of the siege on the U.S. Capitol – noticeably by silencing the claims of Donald Trump and his supporters.

A radio ministry

Coughlin’s Detroit ministry had grown up with radio, and, as his sermons grew more political, he began calling President Franklin D. Roosevelt a liar, a betrayer and a double-crosser. His fierce rhetoric fueled rallies and letter-writing campaigns for a dozen right-wing causes, from banking policy to opposing Russian communism. At the height of his popularity, an estimated 30 million Americans listened to his Sunday sermons.

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