{"id":7323,"date":"2026-02-17T13:27:17","date_gmt":"2026-02-17T13:27:17","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/?page_id=7323"},"modified":"2026-03-17T15:36:21","modified_gmt":"2026-03-17T15:36:21","slug":"fairness-equal-time","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/fairness-equal-time\/","title":{"rendered":"Fairness Doctrine &#038; the Equal Time Rule"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>The Fairness Doctrine and the Equal Time Rule originated in an era when only a handful of radio and television networks were broadcasting.\u00a0 This scarcity of\u00a0 broadcast material led to structural and content regulations.<\/p>\n<p>One of the most disputed areas of content regulation involved the Fairness Doctrine and it close cousin, the Equal Time Rule (<a href=\"https:\/\/www.law.cornell.edu\/uscode\/text\/47\/315\">Section 315 of Title 47<\/a>).<\/p>\n<p>The problem in the late 1920s and 1930s was that the foundations of democracy were being assaulted by those who mistakenly thought democratic systems were too weak to survive the onslaught of fascism.\u00a0 Studies had shown that propaganda can be very effective in a vacuum, but far less effective when more than a single point of view is presented.<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #444444;\">The origins of the Equal Time Rule of 1934 and the Fairness Doctrine\u00a0 of 1949 came out of that scarcity of broadcast information.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>One of the first cases was\u00a0<span style=\"color: #444444;\">the 1929 <\/span><span style=\"color: #444444;\"><a href=\"https:\/\/case-law.vlex.com\/vid\/great-lakes-broadcasting-co-890660002\">Great Lakes Broadcasting Co.<\/a> decision. In that case, the Federal Radio Commission\u00a0 said:\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote><p><span style=\"color: #444444;\">The public interest requires ample play for the free and fair competition of opposing views, and the Commission believes that the principle applies to all discussions of issues of importance to the public.<\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><span style=\"color: #444444;\">Not only did the FRC require radio broadcast license holders to fairly\u00a0 report the views of others, but also to refrain from expressing their own views. The fairness doctrine grew out of the belief that the limited number of broadcast frequencies available compelled the government to ensure that broadcasters did not use their stations simply as advocates of a single perspective.\u00a0 \u00a0(See <a href=\"https:\/\/firstamendment.mtsu.edu\/article\/fairness-doctrine\/\">First Amendment Encyclopedia<\/a>).\u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>When the Federal Radio Commission became the Federal Communications Commission in 1934, the &#8220;Equal Time Rule&#8221; &#8212; Section 315\u00a0 &#8212; was written into the law.<\/p>\n<div>\n<div style=\"width: 209px\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"\" src=\"https:\/\/upload.wikimedia.org\/wikipedia\/commons\/5\/59\/CharlesCouglinCraineDetroitPortrait.jpg\" alt=\"Father Charles Coughlin \" width=\"199\" height=\"255\" \/><p class=\"wp-caption-text\">Father Charles Coughlin, pro-Nazi radio personality<\/p><\/div>\n<p><strong>Father Charles Coughlin\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Despite a commitment to the principle of fairness and the idea that broadcast stations should ensure multiple points of view,\u00a0 highly partisan debates around religion and politics flourished in the 1930s.\u00a0 The best known American partisan in this era was <a href=\"http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Charles_Coughlin\">Father Charles Coughlin<\/a>, a popular pro-Nazi American radio personality. \u00a0With a following of 16 million radio listeners, Coughlin tried to convince people that the Nazis were a logical antidote to communism in Germany.<\/p>\n<p>The American radio program that led to Coughlin&#8217;s downfall was his reaction to\u00a0 attacks by Nazis in Germany on Jewish businesses and synagogues. The attacks took place on Nov. 9 and 10th, 1938, and became known as the <a title=\"Kristallnacht\" href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Kristallnacht\">Kristallnacht<\/a>.\u00a0 Some\u00a0 30,000 Jewish men were imprisoned without cause and kept in concentration camps. Hundreds of synagogues and thousands of businesses were burned to the ground.\u00a0 Global outrage followed, but Coughlin tried to excuse the Nazi atrocities:<\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 40px;\"><em>\u00a0&#8220;Jewish persecution only followed after Christians first were persecuted.&#8221;\u00a0 &#8212; Father Charles Coughlin\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">While the FCC wondered how to approach content regulation in hate speech cases, the National Association of Broadcasters changed the code of ethics on July 12, 1939 to bar the sale of airtime for the presentation of controversial issues except in political races. The effect was to take Coughlin and others like him off the air permanently. \u201cThis new rule closed the one loophole that remained in the networks\u2019 and stations\u2019 ability to censor controversial opinion: the dollar loophole,\u201d said historian Michelle Hilmes. \u201cThe ability to pay was no longer [enough] \u2026 In fact, now broadcasters had an obligation to restrict all those outside the broad mainstream of political views\u201d (Hilmes, 2006).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Mayflower Decision\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The networks and the FCC agreed that in the future, no one single speaker would be allowed to have their own hour-long program, but rather, that a variety of speakers would be required on all programs. \u00a0This was reinforced by the FCC\u2019s 1941 \u00a0Mayflower Decision, \u00a0which banned radio broadcasters from taking sides in controversies, especially elections.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Fairness Doctrine\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p>In 1949, the <a href=\"https:\/\/firstamendment.mtsu.edu\/article\/fairness-doctrine\/\">Fairness Doctrine<\/a> was formally established to ensure both sides of controversial issues were\u00a0 presented by broadcasters. There were problems with trying to enforce fairness, but the original idea was to simply ensure that audiences were exposed to many points of view.<\/p>\n<div>\n<dl id=\"attachment_4735\">\n<dt>\n<div style=\"width: 310px\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\"><a href=\"http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Red_Lion_Broadcasting_Co._v._Federal_Communications_Commission\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/10\/BlillyJoeHargis-300x248.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"248\" \/><\/a><p class=\"wp-caption-text\">Billy Joe Hargis, evangelical minister and forerunner of right wing radio, was sued under the Fairness Doctrine for not including author Fred J. Cook in his broadcasts attacking Cook. (Center for Public Secrets)<\/p><\/div><\/dt>\n<\/dl>\n<\/div>\n<p><strong><a href=\"http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Red_Lion_Broadcasting_Co._v._Federal_Communications_Commission\">Red Lion Broadcasting v. FCC,<\/a> 1969<\/strong> \u2014 The case involved the right of reply to an attack by &#8220;Christian Crusade&#8221; radio personality &#8212; <a href=\"https:\/\/www.centerforpublicsecrets.org\/post\/the-strange-love-of-dr-billy-james-hargis\">Billy Joe Hargis<\/a> &#8212;\u00a0 on\u00a0 book author Fred J. Cook who wrote about Barry Goldwater and the 1964 presidential campaign. In effect, it was a right-wing radio attack on a left wing book, and the FCC said the author ought to have his say.\u00a0 The court upheld the FCC\u2019s Fairness Doctrine regulations that imposed a requirement for equal time to respond to personal attacks. It also upheld and entrenched the scarcity rationale. It is the right of viewers and listeners, not broadcasters, which is paramount, the court said.\u00a0 In contrast, note the Miami Herald v. Tornillo 1974 case, in which a print medium was not forced to give right of reply.<\/p>\n<p>Friends of the Earth v. FCC 1971 \u2014 \u00a0This\u00a0 case\u00a0 highlighted problems with the\u00a0 Fairness Doctrine.\u00a0 In some areas of controversy, it seemed easy to present alternative points of view.\u00a0 For example, advertising from the tobacco industry\u00a0 was\u00a0 balanced under the Fairness Doctrine by ads urging people to quit smoking.\u00a0 But in other areas of controversy, the Fairness Doctrine didn&#8217;t quite work. When Friends of the Earth, an environmental public interest group, sued the FCC under the Fairness Doctrine, wishing to present alternative views about\u00a0 leaded gasoline and gas guzzling cars, the FCC reinterpreted the Fairness Doctrine as not giving a right of reply in cases involving commercial advertising.<\/p>\n<p>FCC v. League of Women Voters of California, 1984 \u2014 In a case\u00a0 challenging a law that said public broadcasting stations couldn\u2019t editorialize,\u00a0 the court overturned a content restriction of broadcasters on First Amendment grounds. The case paved the way for abolition of most of Fairness Doctrine.<\/p>\n<p><strong><a href=\"https:\/\/digital.library.unt.edu\/ark:\/67531\/metadc1594\/m1\/48\/\">Syracuse Peace Council,<\/a><\/strong> 1987 &#8212; Formally ended the Fairness Doctrine following a set o<a href=\"https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/FairnessReport\">f Reagan-era hearings in 1985<\/a>.<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p><strong><a href=\"https:\/\/www.law.cornell.edu\/uscode\/text\/47\/315\">Section 315<\/a>\u00a0 &#8211; Equal time &amp; Political advertising\u00a0\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><iframe loading=\"lazy\" style=\"border: none; overflow: hidden;\" src=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/plugins\/video.php?height=314&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Freel%2F1199125752205396%2F&amp;show_text=false&amp;width=560&amp;t=0\" width=\"560\" height=\"314\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" align=\"right\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" data-mce-fragment=\"1\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0When CBS lawyers told Stephen Colbert<\/strong> that he could not broadcast an interview with James Talarico on Feb. 17, 2026, Colbert <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=oiTJ7Pz_59A\">moved the interview over to YouTube only<\/a> and discussed the &#8220;equal time&#8221; controversy on his program.\u00a0 The Free Speech Center at MTSU <a href=\"https:\/\/firstamendment.mtsu.edu\/post\/colbert-talarico-and-the-fcc-what-you-need-to-know\/\">described the flap in this article<\/a>. The off disjunction between FCC control over &#8220;broadcasting&#8221; versus streaming is one of the major issues in broadcast regulation. As Ken Paulson, director of the MTSU Free Speech Center said: &#8220;The FCC has power only over century-old technology in a digital and AI world. Its days are numbered.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><strong>Equal advertising access for political campaigns <\/strong>\u00a0under the &#8220;Equal Time Rule&#8221; was part of the Communications Act of\u00a0 1934. It was meant to ensure an even-handed approach to all federal political campaign advertising. If stations sell advertising to one candidate, they must sell the same amount to the other. This still applies to political candidates in an election cycle.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Exemptions for unpaid appearances of\u00a0 political figures<\/strong> in the news and on talk shows were also written into Section 315.\u00a0 These exemptions were narrowly defined during the era of the <a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Fairness_doctrine\">Fairness Doctrine<\/a> (1949 &#8211; 1987) and then broadly defined afterwards.\u00a0 For example, starting in 1991, a group of FCC Media Bureau findings allowed exemptions for Fox, ABC, Paramount and Church Today as news interview programs. &#8220;A wide variety of shows can be eligible for an exemption as a bona fide news interview,&#8221; the FCC said at the time. In 2006, for instance, the FCC\u2019s Media Bureau found that interviews on \u201cThe Tonight Show with Jay Leno\u201d qualified for the equal opportunities exemption as a bona fide news interview.<\/p>\n<p><strong>The definition of a bona fine news interview program<\/strong> in 2006* was:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\u00a0(1) whether the program is regularly scheduled; (2) whether the broadcaster or an independent producer controls the program; and (3) whether decisions on the content, participants, and format are based on newsworthiness, rather than partisan purposes, such as an intention to advance or harm an individual\u2019s candidacy.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<blockquote><p>An FCC decision that a show qualifies for an exemption is fact specific and based on the show that was the subject of the request as it existed at the time of the request.<\/p>\n<p><em>* Equal Opportunities Complaint Filed by Angelides for Governor Campaign Against 11 California Television Stations, Order, 21 FCC Rcd 11919, 11923, para. 11 (MB 2006)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><strong>In 2026, according to the Trump administration&#8217;s FCC,\u00a0<\/strong> <a href=\"https:\/\/docs.fcc.gov\/public\/attachments\/DA-26-68A1.pdf\">in a guidance document released Jan. 21, 2026<\/a>,\u00a0 these exemptions were meant to be one-offs. They didn&#8217;t count as broad rules. According to this guidance document, every talk show and every guest on every program would have to be approved by the government.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>Concerns have been raised that the industry has taken the Media Bureau\u2019s 2006 staff-level decision to mean that the interview portion of all arguably similar entertainment programs\u2014 whether late night or daytime\u2014are exempted from the section 315 equal opportunities requirement under a bona fide news exemption. <span style=\"color: #993300;\">This is not the case.<\/span> As noted above, these decisions are fact specific and the exemptions are limited to the program that was the subject of the request.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.law.cornell.edu\/uscode\/text\/47\/315\">Section 315<\/a> says:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>If a broadcaster makes the airwaves available to one candidate for an office, it must provide access for all candidates for that office;<\/li>\n<li>The broadcaster can&#8217;t censor messages from candidates.\n<ul>\n<li>\u00a0This also means that broadcasters are not responsible for libel or other issues in qualified campaign ads. (Farmer\u2019s Co-op v WDAY, 1959)<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>Federal political campaign advertising must be sold at lowest block rate<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"chapeau indent0\">&#8220;Appearance by a legally qualified candidate on any <\/span>bona fide newscast, bona fide news interview, bona fide news documentary (if the appearance of the candidate is incidental to the presentation of the subject or subjects covered by the news documentary), or on-the-spot coverage of bona fide news events (including but not limited to political conventions and activities incidental thereto),\n<div class=\"continuation indent0 firstIndent0\"><span style=\"color: #993300;\">shall not be deemed to be use of a\u00a0<a class=\"colorbox-load definedterm\" style=\"color: #993300;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.law.cornell.edu\/definitions\/uscode.php?width=840&amp;height=800&amp;iframe=true&amp;def_id=47-USC-1554053013-2072701378&amp;term_occur=999&amp;term_src=title:47:chapter:5:subchapter:III:part:I:section:315\" aria-label=\"Definitions - broadcasting station\">broadcasting station<\/a><\/span> within the meaning of this subsection.<\/div>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h4><strong><span style=\"color: #000000;\">Who wants to bring back the Fairness Doctrine?<\/span><\/strong><\/h4>\n<p>A lot of people would like to bring back the Fairness Doctrine, according to <a href=\"https:\/\/www.washingtonpost.com\/outlook\/2021\/02\/04\/fairness-doctrine-wont-solve-our-problems-it-can-foster-needed-debate\/\">this February 2021 Washington Post Op-Ed<\/a> by\u00a0 \u00a0media law professor Victor Pickard.<\/p>\n<div>\n<p data-el=\"text\">While the Fairness Doctrine\u2019s overall effectiveness and enforceability are debatable, at least it encouraged sensitivity against programming biases and empowered local communities to hold broadcasters accountable.<\/p>\n<p data-el=\"text\">Activists used the Fairness Doctrine to help combat racist broadcasting, most notably in the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.archives.gov\/publications\/prologue\/2004\/fall\/channels-1.html\">WLBT-TV case<\/a> when an anti-civil rights broadcaster in Jackson, Miss., was ultimately forced to give up their broadcasting license <a href=\"https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/pdf\/10.1080\/10714429709368562?casa_token=AdC5UBH8WAIAAAAA:tIagH6c14pyNPGc5mce-XLKrCyuHBVjr1F-aoRW_AZn-gqsAVMLddr0T2q-TKHUsMqLWXn3LdBE\">in the late 1960s.<\/a> The Fairness Doctrine also enabled activists to contest advertising for tobacco and other harmful products. From the 1960s into the \u201980s, consumer advocates like Ralph Nader saw it as an essential means for publicizing causes in the nation\u2019s media.<\/p>\n<p data-el=\"text\">But the Fairness Doctrine was an imperfect tool, and when the FCC voted to overturn it on Aug 4, 1987,\u00a0 conservatives like Rush Limbaugh were happy that <a href=\"https:\/\/www.poynter.org\/reporting-editing\/2025\/poynter-50-repeal-fairness-doctrine-rush-limbaugh-conservative-talk-radio\/\">the First Amendment<\/a> seemed to be on their side.\u00a0 But conservatives found it useful. <span style=\"color: #444444;\">\u00a0Phyllis Schlafly, among others, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/arstechnica.com\/uncategorized\/2008\/08\/fairness-doctrine-panic-hits-fcc-spreads-through-blogosphere\/\">used the doctrine to gain media coverage<\/a><span style=\"color: #444444;\">\u00a0for her Anti-Equal Rights Amendment campaign. Conservative activists like Reed Irvine saw it as a tool for including conservative voices within a media landscape that they perceived as predominantly liberal. Even\u00a0<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/washingtonmonthly.com\/2017\/07\/31\/how-the-repeal-of-the-fairness-doctrine-gave-us-donald-trump\/\">right-wing groups<\/a><span style=\"color: #444444;\"> such as Accuracy in Media and the NRA supported it well into the 1980s.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<p data-el=\"text\">Today, according to former FCC members, the end of the Fairness Doctrine is seen a<a href=\"https:\/\/www.poynter.org\/reporting-editing\/2025\/poynter-50-repeal-fairness-doctrine-rush-limbaugh-conservative-talk-radio\/\">s opening the door to more partisan media.\u00a0<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The Fairness Doctrine and the Equal Time Rule originated in an era when only a handful of radio and television networks were broadcasting.\u00a0 This scarcity of\u00a0 broadcast material led to structural and content regulations. One of the most disputed areas &hellip; <a href=\"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/fairness-equal-time\/\">Continue reading <span class=\"meta-nav\">&rarr;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"full-width-page.php","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-7323","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/7323","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7323"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/7323\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7428,"href":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/7323\/revisions\/7428"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7323"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}