{"id":5728,"date":"2023-04-17T15:14:25","date_gmt":"2023-04-17T15:14:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/?page_id=5728"},"modified":"2026-01-20T13:27:42","modified_gmt":"2026-01-20T13:27:42","slug":"structure-of-broadcasting","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/structure-of-broadcasting\/","title":{"rendered":"Structure of broadcasting"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>The original rationale for regulation<\/strong> of the broadcast industry was the scarcity of frequencies over which radio and TV were broadcast. (The decision in <a href=\"https:\/\/tile.loc.gov\/storage-services\/service\/ll\/usrep\/usrep521\/usrep521844\/usrep521844.pdf\">Reno v ACLU,<\/a> 1996, for example,\u00a0 noted that there were &#8220;special factors&#8221; such as frequency scarcity that justified regulation of the broadcast media).<\/p>\n<p>In the early 1920s, when commercial radio was still in its infancy, no one knew what form radio would take or who would pay for it, or even how radio frequencies would be regulated. Frequency allocation was originally based on a &#8220;conference system&#8221; of voluntary industry standards.<\/p>\n<p>When that did not work out, Congress established the <a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Federal_Radio_Commission\">Federal Radio Commission<\/a> in 1927 to sort out the increasing chaos. Radio stations would receive licenses from the FRC and be expected to serve the &#8220;public interest, convenience and necessity.&#8221; <strong><em>Content<\/em><\/strong> issues came up (as we have seen) with Trinity Methodist Church v FRC, 1932, and similar cases.<\/p>\n<p>The FRC&#8217;s early decisions also had a major impact on the <em><strong>structure<\/strong> <\/em>of broadcasting, and a major reorganization came with\u00a0 <a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/General_Order_40\">General Order 40\u00a0 <\/a>\u00a0issued on August 30, 1928. The &#8220;broadcast band&#8221; was divided into 96 frequencies from 550 to 1500 kHz. Six of these\u00a0 were restricted for Canadian stations, leaving 90 frequencies for US stations.<\/p>\n<p><sup id=\"cite_ref-16\" class=\"reference\"><\/sup>The new assignments favored large existing companies, especially the National Broadcasting Company, a division of the Radio Corporation of America, which was given most of the high-powered &#8220;clear channel&#8221; stations.<\/p>\n<p>By the 1930s, the new FCC faced a new challenge: Most cities had radio stations, and 97 percent were affiliated with three networks: NBC (red and blue networks), CBS and Mutual. All night time programming came from through these networks out of New York or Los Angeles. Locally produced programs were almost non-existent, and news was kept off the air.\u00a0 This concentration of broadcasting ownership led to a study in 1938 that concluded more competition was necessary, and to <a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Report_on_Chain_Broadcasting\">Chain Broadcasting<\/a> regulations, issued in 1941, that was challenged by NBC in 1943:<\/p>\n<p><strong><a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/National_Broadcasting_Co._v._United_States\">NBC v US,<\/a><\/strong> 1943 \u2014 The Supreme Court said the First Amendment doesn\u2019t exempt broadcasters from FCC regulation, even in anti-trust cases. \u00a0This led NBC to sell its Blue Network which became ABC.<\/p>\n<p>From the 1950s through the 1990s, ownership of TV and radio stations was limited.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Original ownership limit:<\/strong>\u00a0The Rule of Sevens \u2014 From 1940s thru 1984, no one owner (note, owner, and not affiliate) could have more than seven TV, seven AM and seven FM stations. The law was liberalized in 1984 to 12, and again limit raised to 18 in 1992 and 20 in 1994.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ownership rules change:<\/strong>\u00a0As telecommunications volume and flexibility expanded with new technologies in the late 20th century, neo-conservatives argued for a new approach, saying that the original scarcity rationale for regulation was no longer relevant.\u00a0 This led to the the Telecommunication Act of 1996.<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h3><strong>Telecommunications Act of 1996\u00a0<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Telecommunications_Act_of_1996\">Telecommunications Act of 1996<\/a><\/strong>\u00a0lifted limits on radio and TV station ownership with the idea of saving failing radio stations and increasing diversity in television broadcast ownership.\u00a0 One unexpected result was the complete domination of radio by a handful of companies and the end of local radio broadcasting.<\/p>\n<p>Under the 1996\u00a0 law, there is no limit to the number of radio and TV stations owned, but owners were not supposed to reach more than 35 percent of all audiences. The law had a UHF discount provision saying the UHF stations counted as half the number as VHF stations. Theoretically, one company could own TV stations serving up to 70 percent of the market. Before 1996, duopoly was prohibited: no company could more than one FM and one AM station and one TV station in any single market. After 1996, a major market realignment for radio occurred after the rules changed for radio (Realignment of TV ownership occurred with the FCC 2003 order):<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Metro markets (45 +) \u2014 max is 8, w\/ five of each kind (eg., five FMs, 3 AMs).<\/li>\n<li>Large markets (30 \u2013 44) \u2014 max is 7, with 4 of each kind.<\/li>\n<li>Mid sized markets (15 \u2013 30) \u2014 max is 6, again 4 of each kind<\/li>\n<li>Small markets (less than 15) \u2014 max is 5, with 3 of each<\/li>\n<li>Mini markets (three or less) \u2014 max is two.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>The Telecommunications Act of 1996 also included the Communications Decency Act (CDA), which was struck down in most parts in the Reno v ACLU case of 1997.\u00a0 One part that did survive, CDA Section 230,\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/cda-section-230\/\">is discussed in Section 10 (Digital media law) in this book<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<h3>Ownership structure after 1996<\/h3>\n<p><strong><a href=\"http:\/\/www.fcc.gov\/ownership\/\">FCC Order June 2, 2003<\/a>\u00a0<\/strong>\u2014 The FCC retained its ban on mergers among any of the top four national broadcast networks, but was attempting to open the rest of the market up to deregulation. \u00a0The Order was challenged and failed, and the 1996 Telecommunications Act is what stands now.<\/p>\n<p><strong><a href=\"https:\/\/www.fcc.gov\/consumers\/guides\/fccs-review-broadcast-ownership-rules#:~:text=Local%20Television%20Multiple%20Ownership,stations%20do%20not%20overlap%3B%20or\">Local TV Multiple Ownership Limit<\/a>:<\/strong><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>In markets with five or more TV stations, a company may own two stations, but only one of these stations can be among the top four in ratings.<\/li>\n<li>In markets with 18 or more TV stations, a company can own three TV stations, but only one of these stations can be among the top four in ratings. In deciding how many stations are in the market, both commercial and non-commercial TV stations are counted.<\/li>\n<li>In markets with 11 or fewer TV stations in which two top-four stations seek to merge there is a waiver process.The new rule permits local television combinations that are proven to enhance competition in local markets and to facilitate the transition to digital television through economic efficiencies. Finally, the new rule? continued ban on mergers among the top-four stations will have the effect of preserving viewpoint diversity in local markets. The record showed that the top four stations each typically produce an independent local newscast.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Media_cross-ownership_in_the_United_States\"><strong>Cross ownership<\/strong>\u00a0<\/a>(two media in one market) Under old rules, one company couldn\u2019t own more than one medium in any market. This changed in the FCC Order of June 2, 2003, when the FCC noted that the newspaper\/broadcast cross-ownership rule was no longer necessary in the public interest to maintain competition, diversity or localism. However, in 2007 the FCC revised its rules and ruled that they would take it \u201ccase-by-case and determine if the cross-ownership would affect the public interest.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong><a href=\"http:\/\/www.uccmediajustice.org\/o\/6587\/p\/salsa\/web\/blog\/public\/?blog_KEY=187&amp;category=media%20concentration\">Prometheus Radio Project v. FCC<\/a>,\u00a0<\/strong>\u00a0\u00a02020\u00a0 \u00a0 \u2014\u00a0 Prometheus and the media reform group United Church of Christ argue that additional consolidation should not be allowed if it would harm ownership rates by women and people of color.\u00a0 \u00a0\u201cThe FCC has long decried low ownership diversity numbers but ignored facts in the record showing consolidation harms diversity by putting more television and radio stations into the hands of fewer and fewer owners,\u201d said the UCC.\u00a0 This case is now on the US Supreme Court docket after winning at the federal appeals court level.\u00a0 According to the church\u2019s media reform project:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>The\u00a0<a href=\"http:\/\/civilrightsdocs.info\/pdf\/FCC-v-Prometheus-Charts.pdf\">state of ownership diversity<\/a>\u00a0is abysmal. Although the FCC\u2019s data is flawed and not completely reliable, it gives the best indication we currently have regarding current numbers.\u00a0In full power television, racial minorities\u00a0combined\u00a0own 26 stations out of 1,376 licensed stations, Hispanics own 58 stations, and\u00a0women own 73. In FM radio, racial minorities own 159 of 6,647 radio stations, Hispanics own 219, and women own 390. In all cases, the share owned by women and people of color is in the single digits, and in the case of most individual categories, such as Asian Americans, control is\u00a0<i>less than 1 percent<\/i>. And the FCC data is incomplete, for example in FM radio 19 percent of stations did not report any data at all.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<hr \/>\n<h3>Diversity of ownership<\/h3>\n<p>Minority Americans had almost no influence on the mainstream \/ White press during the 19th and most of the 20th century, but at least there were Black\u00a0 newspapers:\u00a0 The Richmond Afro-American, the Pittsburgh Courier and the Chicago Defender, the Norfolk Journal and Guide, among others.<\/p>\n<p>But in broadcasting, Black ownership was nearly impossible, and what little once\u00a0 existed has been in decline.<\/p>\n<p>According to a <a href=\"https:\/\/www.fcc.gov\/biennial-forms-323-and-323-e-broadcast-ownership-data-and-reports\">2021 FCC report<\/a>, all minority groups owned 4 percent of commercial broadcasting property and 3% of non-commercial broadcasting. But even these figures are deceptive, according to the Media 2070 project, which says:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Only 1.3 percent of U.S. full-power commercial TV stations were Black-owned in 2019. This figure is even lower when accounting for stations where the nominal owner does not operate the station.<\/li>\n<li>Black ownership levels in broadcast radio were not much better: Only 2 percent of commercial FM stations were Black-owned, a figure that declined from the FCC&#8217;s prior count. The level of Black AM radio ownership improved slightly since the FCC&#8217;s prior count, but was just 3.3 percent. Black people make up more than 14 percent of the U.S. population, according to 2020 census data.<\/li>\n<li>The FCC data also indicate that people of color own just 6 percent of the nation\u2019s full-power TV stations, 7 percent of commercial FM radio stations and 13 percent of commercial AM radio stations \u2014 even though they make up 43 percent of the U.S. population.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>This is similar to the ownership pattern found in a 1992 FCC survey:\u00a0 218 of 10,834 AM, FM and TV stations were Black-owned, and 330 were minority owned, for 2% and 3% representation.<\/p>\n<p>In 1995 Congress repealed the FCC\u2019s minority tax certificate program \u2014 which since 1978 had helped increase broadcast station ownership by people of color from less than 1 percent to 3 percent.<\/p>\n<p>Partly as a result, Black radio station ownership took a major hit after the Telecommunications Act of 1996 when <a href=\"https:\/\/www.ntia.doc.gov\/legacy\/reports\/97minority\/findings.htm\">US Radio<\/a> (the largest Black-owned broadcast company in the U.S.) was sold to Clear Channel Communications.\u00a0 In <a href=\"https:\/\/www.ntia.doc.gov\/legacy\/opadhome\/minown98\/black.htm\">a 1998 report<\/a>, the FCC reported Black ownership down to 1.7 percent.<\/p>\n<p>In 2022, the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.nab.org\/advocacy\/issue.asp?id=5174&amp;issueid=1081\">National Association of Broadcasts has endorsed legislation<\/a> to re-instate the tax certificate program,\u00a0 &#8220;improving diversity in broadcasting and creating new opportunities for women, people of color and other underrepresented communities.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><strong>Media 2070 Project\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/mediareparations.org\/\">The Media 2070 Project,<\/a> begun in 2020, is an attempt to put these statistics into perspective and suggest that a tiny minority of the poorest stations is not representative of the African American minority.<\/p>\n<p>In an essay calling for reparations,<a href=\"https:\/\/mediareparations.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/10\/media-2070.pdf\"> the project said<\/a>:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>Since the colonial era, media outlets have used their platforms to inflict harm on Black bodies through weaponizing narratives that promote Black inferiority and portray Black people as threats to society.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<h4><strong><span style=\"color: #000000;\">Also see:<\/span><\/strong><\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li><a href=\"https:\/\/apnews.com\/article\/joe-biden-racial-injustice-race-and-ethnicity-arts-and-entertainment-government-and-politics-287fba51309988affcf79369d429b0d5\">Congressional leaders urge equity audit<\/a>, AP, June 29, 2021<\/li>\n<li><a href=\"https:\/\/www.cjr.org\/special_report\/end-note.php\">A Hard Look Back<\/a>, Columbia Journalism Review, Winter 2020<\/li>\n<li><a href=\"https:\/\/theblackwallsttimes.com\/2022\/11\/29\/documentary-sheds-light-on-being-black-in-the-newsroom\/\">Black in the Newsroom<\/a> documentary, 2022<\/li>\n<li><a href=\"https:\/\/nabob.org\/\">National Association of Black Owned Broadcasters<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<hr \/>\n<h3><strong>Case Study:\u00a0 WLBT\u00a0 television,\u00a0 Jackson, Mississippi\u00a0<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p>Southern television and radio deliberately blocked civil rights coverage from national news organizations from the 1940s through the 1960s.\u00a0 Civil rights advocates noted that the pattern of suppressing news was widespread in the media, and that the broadcast media was not living up to its obligation to serve the public interest.\u00a0 Therefore, they argued, these broadcast stations should not be allowed to renew their broadcast licenses.<\/p>\n<p>The test case took place in 1969 with the Supreme Court case, <strong>\u00a0<a href=\"http:\/\/openjurist.org\/465\/f2d\/519\/office-of-communication-of-united-church-of-christ-v-federal-communications-commission\">Office of Comm. of United Church of Christ v. FCC.<\/a><\/strong>\u00a0 \u00a0In this case, civil rights groups challenged the FCC\u2019s licensing practices in Mississippi \u2014 and won.<\/p>\n<div id=\"attachment_6062\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\">\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/01\/Parker.LAT_.jpg\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-6062 \" src=\"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/01\/Parker.LAT_.jpg\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 151px) 100vw, 151px\" srcset=\"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/01\/Parker.LAT_.jpg 253w, https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/01\/Parker.LAT_-169x300.jpg 169w\" alt=\"\" width=\"151\" height=\"268\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-6062\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p id=\"caption-attachment-6062\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rev. Everett Parker helped challenge WLBT\u2019s FCC license.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p>The WLBT\u00a0 challenge began in 1954, when a group of civil rights activists began studying the pattern of racially biased news and public affairs programming. The Jackson, Miss. Chapter of the NAACP filed repeated complaints with the FCC about one particularly racist television station, WLBT in Jackson. Requests for a public hearing when the station license came up over the years were consistently turned down by the FCC.<\/p>\n<p>When WLBT applied for what it thought would be a routine renewal of its broadcasting license in 1964, the church and a coalition of civil rights leaders formally challenged the license.\u00a0<a href=\"http:\/\/www.latimes.com\/local\/obituaries\/la-me-everett-parker-20150923-story.html\">Headed by Rev. Everett Parker,<\/a>\u00a0the group charged that the station blacked out nationally-produced civil rights news about nearby events; had promoted race-hating points of view without balance or regard for the Fairness Doctrine; and refused to feature African American speakers in any context, even on Sunday morning church service broadcasts.<\/p>\n<p>The WLBT response was typical for stations whose licenses were challenged: It ginned up a list of all its public service activities from its log books, including service to the African American community. Usually complaints would stop at this point, and in effect be buried in red tape. But the coalition had an ace up its sleeve\u2013 it responded that the station\u2019s log books were highly inaccurate, and presented evidence from a detailed content analysis, which had been kept secret up until that point. When the FCC approved the WLBT license, The church appealed the decision to a federal court, but the attorneys did not really expect to win both the case and the much larger battle over FCC\u2019s regulatory procedure. Yet in 1966, the appeals court ruled that the FCC would conduct public hearings on the license and that the citizens would have standing before the FCC.<\/p>\n<p>The court decision, written by Judge Warren Burger (who would later become the Chief Justice of the US Supreme Court) eloquently restated the longstanding tradition of broadcast regulation:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\u201cA broadcaster is not a public utility \u2026 but neither is it a purely private enterprise like a newspaper or an automobile agency. A broadcaster has much in common with a newspaper publisher, but he is not in the same category in terms of public obligations imposed by law. A broadcaster seeks and is granted the free and exclusive use of a limited and valuable part of the public domain; when he accepts that franchise it is burdened by enforceable public obligations. A newspaper can be operated at the whim or caprice of its owners; a broadcast station cannot. After nearly five decades of operation the broadcast industry does not seem to have grasped the simple fact that a broadcast license is a public trust subject to termination for breach of duty\u2026 Under our system, the interests of the public are dominant. The commercial needs of licensed broadcasters and advertisers must be integrated into those of the public. Hence, individual citizens and the communities they compose owe a duty to themselves and their peers to take an active interest in the scope and quality of the television service which stations and networks provide and which, undoubtedly, has a vast impact on their lives and the lives of their children\u2026 The 1964 renewal application (for WLBT) might well have been routinely granted except for the determined and sustained efforts of Appellants (the church coalition) at no small expense to themselves. Such beneficial contribution as these Appellants, or some of them, can make must not be left to the grace of the (Federal Communications) Commission.\u201d (United Church of Christ v FCC, 1966). \u00a0For more on the Civil Rights WLBT story, see<a href=\"http:\/\/www.archives.gov\/publications\/prologue\/2004\/fall\/channels-1.html\">\u00a0this National Archives publication. \u00a0<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h3>Mergers in the 2020s<\/h3>\n<p><strong><a href=\"https:\/\/broadbandbreakfast.com\/fcc-opens-review-of-nexstar-tegna-merger-amid-39-cap-controversy\/\">FCC reviews Nexstar &#8211; Tenga merger<\/a> <\/strong>&#8212; January 2026 &#8212; The six billion dollar merger would make the combined Nexstar &#8211; Tenga company the largest owner of television stations in the US, and would break the 39% audience share cap that was imposed by the Telecommunications Act of 1996.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"T286Pc\" data-sfc-cp=\"\" data-processed=\"true\"><strong class=\"Yjhzub\" data-processed=\"true\"><a class=\"GI370e\" href=\"https:\/\/www.google.com\/search?q=Netflix+acquires+Warner+Bros.+Discovery+%28WBD%29&amp;rlz=1C5GCEM_enUS1177US1178&amp;oq=what+are+somew+of+the+big+broadcasting+mergers+and+acquisitions+&amp;gs_lcrp=EgZjaHJvbWUyBggAEEUYOdIBCTEzODQ5ajBqN6gCCLACAfEFA2oQL6EJFVLxBQNqEC-hCRVS&amp;sourceid=chrome&amp;ie=UTF-8&amp;ved=2ahUKEwiMnc_ImpqSAxXCK1kFHYwhGNUQgK4QegQIBBAB\" data-ved=\"2ahUKEwiMnc_ImpqSAxXCK1kFHYwhGNUQgK4QegQIBBAB\" data-hveid=\"CAQQAQ\" data-processed=\"true\">Netflix tries to acquire Warner Bros. Discovery (WBD)<\/a><\/strong>: This is a $72 billion deal proposed in September 2025 in which Netflix tried to buy Warner Brothers Discovery (WBD). It would combine streaming subscriber bases and content libraries (HBO Max, DC Universe, etc.).\u00a0 As of January, 2026, the deal was still under scrutiny for antitrust issues by the Justice Dept. and a rival bid by Paramount was also in the running.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><strong><a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/business\/2025\/dec\/14\/comcast-itv-public-service-broadcasting-channel-4-bbc\">Comcast &#8211; Sky &#8211; ITV<\/a> <\/strong>(UK) &#8212; Preliminary discussions are underway (January 2026) about Sky TV acquiring\u00a0 ITV\u00a0 for \u00a31.6bn.\u00a0 \u00a0 This would include ITV1 &#8211; ITV4 and the\u00a0streaming platform ITVX. Some Brits are. worried about US control of the UK&#8217;s largest private broadcasting network.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The original rationale for regulation of the broadcast industry was the scarcity of frequencies over which radio and TV were broadcast. (The decision in Reno v ACLU, 1996, for example,\u00a0 noted that there were &#8220;special factors&#8221; such as frequency scarcity &hellip; <a href=\"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/structure-of-broadcasting\/\">Continue reading <span class=\"meta-nav\">&rarr;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"full-width-page.php","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-5728","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/5728","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5728"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/5728\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7165,"href":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/5728\/revisions\/7165"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/revolutionsincommunication.com\/law\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5728"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}